Sahara Reporters Latest News Saturday 9th March 2019
Sahara Reporters Latest News Today and headlines on some of the happenings and news trend in the Country, today 09/03/19
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target=_blank>EXCLUSIVE: Kwara APC Gov Candidate Abdulrazaq’s WAEC Result Is ‘Fake’
Abdulrahman Abdulrazaq, the governorship candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Kwara State, forged his West African Examinations Council (WAEC) result, SaharaReporters has learnt.
Abdulrazaq claimed to have obtained his result from the WAEC in the July 1976 examination at the Government College, Kaduna, but investigations revealed he forged the result he is parading.
The WAEC result is the least educational qualification anyone interested in public service or contesting for any political position must have.
The governorship candidate had his basic and secondary school education in Kaduna. He attended Capital School, Kaduna, between 1966 and 1968; Bishop Smith Memorial School, Ilorin, between 1970 and 1971; and Government College Kaduna, where he claimed to have obtained the result.
Abdulrazaq has been using the result to contest for political positions. He also presented the result to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to qualify him to contest in the 2019 governorship election in Kwara.
A glance at the result obtained by SaharaReporters showed the WAEC result to appear genuine, but when the certificate number was inputted into the database of the examinations board, it revealed that Abdulrazaq had been using a forged certificate.
Investigations also revealed that Abdulrahman did not sit for the examination in the said year.
A staff member of the examinations council, who confirmed that the result is not genuine, said the certificate number written on the result does not exist, while also noting other irregularities on the result.
“We don’t have certificate number SC180683 in the database of WAEC. That means the result is fake. If you look at the result, you would notice that his name was written in initials. The examinations body doesn’t initialize; names are written in full,” the WAEC staff member said.
Abdulrazak’s Political Journey
Abdulrahman Abdulrazaq is the son of Alhaji A.G.F. Abdulrazaq (SAN), the first northern lawyer in Nigeria.
He has been involved in active politics since 1999 along with his brother Alhaji Alimi Abdulrazaq. Alimi was one of the few founding members and funders of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Kwara State.
He contested against Alhaji Mohammed Alabi Lawal of the then All Peoples Party (APP), sponsored by Dr. Abubakar Olusola Saraki but lost.
Abdulrazaq contested for the seat of the governorship of Kwara State on the platform of the Congress for Progressive Change in 2011 but lost.
He also failed to win the seat of Kwara Central Senatorial district with PDP, losing to Bukola Saraki.
He defected to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in September 2018, on which platform he is contesting for the governorship of the state.
Litigation
A suit was filed by one Adekunle Oluwafemi Abraham at the Kwara State High Court to challenge the authenticity of the WAEC certificate of Abdulrazaq.
The application submitted in court read: “That I also know as a fact that the defendant did not sit for the West African Examination Council School Certificate Examination and was therefore not issued with the purported West African Examination Council (WAEC) School Certificate No. SC180683 dated June 1967 submitted to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) by the defendant.”
Deciding on the case, Justice Adenike Akinpelu ordered Abdulrazaq to defend himself on the case within 30 days.
Justice Akinpelu said: “In the court’s writ dated March 7, 2019, the court ordered the defendant (Abdurahman Abdulrazaq) to within 30 days after the service of this writ on you inclusive of the day of such service, you do cause an appearance to be entered in an action at the suit of Adekunle Oluwafemi Abraham and take notice that in default of you doing so, the claimant may proceed therein and judgment may be given in your absence.”
SaharaReporters attempted to reach Abdulrazaq for comments, but calls to his number were unanswered.
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target=_blank>Federal Appointees Parading The Streets Of Rivers With Armed Security, Says HURIWA
The Human Rights Writers Association of Nigeria (HURIWA) has asked Lieutenant-General Tukur Yusuf Buratai, the Chief of Army Staff, to ensure that security operatives are not “misused” by government officials in Rivers and other states to manipulate the March 9, 2019 governorship and state assembly elections nationwide.
HURIWA said its members on ground in Rivers State had reported that federal appointees were “parading about with armed security forces and threatening the peace of the state, and unduly harassing civilians”.
HURIWA also called the attention of Buratai and the international community through its representatives in Nigeria to investigate allegations that houses of 50 top members of the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Rivers State had been destroyed and many of them arrested by soldiers.
A statement by Comrade Emmanuel Onwubiko, the National Coordinator, and Miss Zainab Yusuf, the National Media Affairs Director, cautioned law enforcement agencies to stop parading suspects or subjecting them to media persecution.
The rights group also faulted the recent parade of some politicians in Rivers State by the military over their alleged involvement in election-related bribery, noting that the legal principle in Nigeria is such that presumes all suspected offenders innocent until proven guilty, adding that “only the courts of competent jurisdiction in line with Section 6 of the Nigerian constitution can reach a determination in all cases and accusations”.
It also stated that media trials are antithetical to modernism, legalism and Rule of Law but amounts to lynch mob justice.
The statement read: “We are aware and we believe that the Army, being a professional institution, knows that the presumption of innocence is the legal principle in criminal cases that one is considered innocent until proven guilty. This basically means that until a judicial pronouncement on the guilt or otherwise of the accused person is made, he/she is to be treated the same as a regular person; any suggestion to the opposite would be a breach of the Fundamental Human Rights of the individual.
“The Nigerian 1999 Constitution in Section 36(5) guarantees this right. The practicalities of what this means for you as an individual if you are charged with a crime under Nigerian law, is that if for any reason you are discriminated against because of the fact that you are facing a court case, then you can sue for breach of your Fundamental Human Rights.
“The other element to the presumption of innocence is that the burden of proving the guilt of the accused person is on the prosecution. The prosecution is given the responsibility of producing enough evidence and arguments to prove the guilt of criminal defendants beyond a reasonable doubt. No matter what indictment or formal charges are brought against the defendant, and no matter what the personal feelings of those involved may be, if government prosecution cannot decisively demonstrate the defendant’s guilt in trial then that person is legally ‘not guilty’ and free to go.”
HURIWA also called for peaceful conduct of the polls and called on the police to arrest and prosecute violators of extant electoral law.
“The intimidation and harassment of Igbo voters outside of Igboland is hereby absolutely condemned. INEC must behave in line with the law and must not repeat the spectacular ethical crimes and criminal manipulations that happened in the last presidential and national assembly’s elections,” the statement concluded.
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target=_blank>Oyo NSCDC Deploys 3,500 Officers For Elections
The Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC) has deployed 3,500 officers for the governorship and state house of assembly elections in Oyo State.
The officers have been moved to the 33 Local Government Areas of the state and are expected to complement efforts of the other security agencies in the state in elections scheduled for Saturday, March 9, 2019.
Olusegun Oluwole, the NSCDC spokesman, made the disclosure on Friday while speaking with reporters on the preparedness of security agencies for the elections.
Oluwole explained that the officers were deployed to maintain security in all the nooks and crannies of the state, and to ensure hitch-free elections.
According to him, the flash points in Oyo State have been identified and would be tackled by all the security agencies.
He said: “The NSCDC Oyo State Command has deployed about 3,500 officers to monitor the elections in the 33 LGAs and 35 LCDAs. Those who are going to far places have gone. We have taken the issue of vote buying serious and we are doing it along with other security agencies.
“Most of the senior management from the headquarters are also here in our zone. With that, we are going to have credible and fair elections. We are going to have tight security tomorrow Saturday. So, there will be no problem and we have told our officers to be apolitical.
“We have all been trained and all of us would be going out to ensure the election is violence-free. And that is why we are giving out our numbers to report in case of any complaint.”
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target=_blank>VIDEO: Soldiers Invade Residence Of Rivers Commissioner
Video of CCTV Footage of Soldiers Storming The Residence of Rivers State Commissioner
CCTV Footage of Soldiers Storming The Residence of Rivers State Commissioner
CCTV Footage of Soldiers Storming The Residence of Rivers State Commissioner
As states across the country prepare for the governorship and state houses of assembly elections scheduled for Saturday, March 9, 2019, a video of soldiers conducting a raid on the home of Dr. Tamunosisi Gogo Jaja, the Commissioner for Education in Rivers State, has surfaced.
Although not dated, the CCTV at the residence captured a lady dressed in a yellow blouse busy in the kitchen. However, seconds afterwards, she drops what she’s holding in her hands and appears shocked by a sound coming from the entrance to the kitchen.
As she makes to determine the source of the sound, another man in a yellow shirt, followed closely by a woman dressed in a pink dress, as well as two other men, rush into the kitchen and they all run into another space that is out of range of the camera.
Seconds afterwards, five heavily-armed soldiers run after them into the enclosed space, and out of the camera range.
According to the voice at the background narrating the incident, the kitchen is at the residence of the Commissioner for Education in Rivers State.
The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) had stated on Thursday that some of its members were being tracked down and arrested, and called for the release of the Commissioner.
“In Rivers State, PDP leaders are being tracked down, arrested and taken to unknown destinations. The state Commissioner of Education, Dr. Tam Gogo Jaja, who was picked up by soldiers attached to the Minister of Transport, Rotimi Amaechi, is still being held in an unknown facility,” the party had said.
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target=_blank>PHOTOS: Rivers Women March Against Gender Imbalance In The Society
Women in Rivers State on Friday embarked on a march for peace and justice as part of activities marking the International Women’s Day.
The Chiarman of the Women Affairs Committee of the Rivers State House of Assembly, Victoria Wobo, led the women on the procession across of Port Harcourt, urging people to always embrace peace and shun violence against women.
She also advised women to take a stand against gender imbalance and remain role models in the push for a peaceful, free and fair poll in the state .
The theme for this year is ‘Balance for Better’.
PHOTONEWS: Women In Rivers March Against Gender Imbalance
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target=_blank>Nigeria 2019 Governorship Elections: Foretelling The Outcome By Omoshola Deji
Governing a state in Nigeria is equivalent to, or more demanding than, ruling some countries in Africa and the world. For instance, the Governor of Lagos State has about 20 million persons to cater for, while the President of Togo and Denmark have just about 6 and 8 million people under their watch. In matured democracies, the rigors of providing credible leadership dissuade people from contesting, but that is not the case in Nigeria because politics is very rewarding. Over 90 political parties, represented by over a thousand candidate, are seeking the mandate to govern Nigeria’s 29 (out of 36) state for the next four years on March 9. This piece foretells the outcome of the election in all the states. All the states? Yes! All the 29 states where governorship elections will hold.
Nigeria has 36 states, but 7 states governorship elections are off-cycle. The court ordered the swearing-in of the rightful poll winners when persons who were returned elected via electoral fraud has already started governing. The court also ordered that the winners four year term had to start counting from the date they were sworn-in. Thus, election will not hold in Anambra, Edo, Ondo, Bayelsa, Kogi, Ekiti, and Osun States. The uneven dates only affect the governorship poll as the State House of Assembly election — which is usually conducted simultaneously with the governorship — will be holding in all the 36 states.
Independently foretelling the right outcome of governorship elections in 29 states is an uneasy, nearly impossible task. Nonetheless, the Pundit is taking up the challenge and targeting to make the right prediction in over 20 states. Send in the awards and ensure this make the headings, if the writer sail through.
Ardent followers of the writer’s work needs no induction, but the customary introduction and clarification needs to be reechoed at this point for the first timers. The writer, subsequently titled Pundit, is Nigeria’s election result Nostradamus. Foretelling election’s outcome is a reflection of his political analysis prowess, not an endorsement of any party or candidate. The accuracy of his past forecasts has attracted the media and many Nigerians, home and abroad, to look out for his prediction during elections. Foretelling an election outcome doesn’t mean the Pundit has access to one sacred information or the election winning strategy of any candidate. Assessing candidates’ fortes and flaws to foretell the winner is a common practice in developed nations. This doesn’t mean the pundits are demeaning the electoral process or influencing the election results. Nigerians have already decide who they’ll cast their votes for and nothing – not this prediction – can easily change their minds.
The Pundit wish to provide an in-depth analysis of the election victory determinants in the 29 states (where governorship election will be conducted), but doing so will make this piece as lengthy as a book. Taking the readers time and convenience into consideration, the Pundit would succinctly analyze the dynamics that’ll determine the outcome of the governorship poll in the each state and foretell the winner. For easy grasp and reference, the analysis would be done per state according to the nation’s geo-political zones. The six zones that constitute Nigeria are the North West (7 states), North East (6 states), North Central (6 states plus the Federal Capital Territory), South South (6 states), South West (6 states), and the South-East (5 states).
North West
Governorship elections will hold in all the 7 North West states, including Kano, Katsina, Kaduna, Kebbi, Sokoto, Jigawa, and Zamfara State.
Kano State: The election is a two-horse race between Governor Abdullahi Ganduje of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and Mr Abba Yusuf of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP). Kano is APC’s stronghold and the PDP recently had a major setback. On Monday, 4 March, 2019, a Federal High Court in Kano nullified Yusuf’s candidacy, citing the failure of the PDP to properly conduct its primary. Kano State has three main power bloc, each controlled by Governor Ganduje and ex-Governors Ibrahim Shekarau and Rabiu Kwankwaso. Ganduje and Shekarau are in the APC. The political weight of Kwankwaso would only earn PDP substantial votes, not a win. The recent corruption allegation against Ganduje will have no effect on his reelection. APC will win.
Katsina State: The state is relatively a one party state with the APC holding sway. High profile defections such as that of ex-Deputy Governor Abdullahi Faskari has weakened PDP’s capacity in the state. The PDP candidate, Senator Yakubu Lado is currently not in the best form to defeat Governor? Aminu Masari, the APC candidate. Katsina is President Muhammadu Buhari’s home state and his influence will give APC a landslide victory in the state.
Kaduna State: Governor Nasir El-Rufai of the APC is facing PDP’s Isah Asiru who is a political heavyweight. APC is strong in the state, but not as before. El-Rufai’s intolerance of criticisms and arrogance has brought about a strained relationship between him and political bigwigs such as Senator Suleiman Hunkuyi and Senator Shehu Sani. This won’t deny APC a win. El-Rufai has regained strength with the recent defection of Mohammed Sidi and his over 50,000 followers into the APC. El-Rufai and his running mate are Muslims. This would make him accrue less votes in the Christian dominated Southern Kaduna area. The governorship election is going to be a tight race, but APC would win the state.
Kebbi State: Isa Galaudu of the PDP is contesting against Governor Abubakar Bagudu of the APC. Kebbi is APC’s stronghold and many PDP bigwigs have defected to the party, making it stronger than it was in 2015. APC will win the state by a wide margin.
Sokoto State: Governor Aminu Tambuwal of the PDP is confronting his former deputy, Ahmad Aliyu of the APC. Tambuwal, who defected from APC to PDP in August 2018 is fighting a supremacy battle with Aliyu Wammako, the ex-Governor and godfather of Sokoto politics. Ahmad Aliyu’s refusal to defect with Tambuwal earned him the reward of becoming the APC candidate. 252 of Tambuwal’s appointees also refused to defect with him to the PDP. On the other hand, there have been some high profile defections into the APC. Tambuwal will lose the upcoming election. APC’s Ahmad Aliyu will win, but with a small margin.
Jigawa State: Governor Mohammad Badaru of the APC will defeat Mallam Aminu Ibrahim of the PDP. Jigawa is terrifically dominated by the APC and many bigwigs recently abandoned the PDP. They include two governorship aspirants Aliyu Santali and Tijjani Kiyawa. Ex-Governor Ali Sa’ad Birnin-Kudu and former commissioners who served under the then PDP administration of Sule Lamido have also joined the APC. Almost all the political heavyweights in Jigawa are in the APC. The PDP and other parties are currently weak, APC will win.
Zamfara State: The APC in Zamfara has been bedeviled by serious intra party crisis lately. The outgoing Governor, Abdulaziz Yari, is up against the Kabir Marafa faction over who should fly APC flags in the elections. After intense legal battles, the Abuja Court of Appeal recently delivered judgment in favor of the Yari faction. The two contending factions claimed to have reconciled but there’s still deep animosity in the party. PDP’s Bello Matawalle would profit immensely from the intra party crisis. The incessant genocidal killings by bandits has also made the ruling APC lose the support of most affected persons and areas. The PDP would most likely win Zamfara by a small margin.
South South
The six states in the region are Edo, Bayelsa, Delta, Rivers, Cross River and Akwa Ibom State. Edo and Bayelsa State governorship elections are off-cycle. The South South region is one of major stronghold of the PDP. The APC is foreseen not to win any of the states, including Akwa Ibom. PDP will record a number of landslide victories.
Delta State: Governor Ifeanyi Okowa of the PDP is running against Great Ogboru of the APC. The longstanding power rotation/zoning formula in the state will help Okowa win. Between 1999 and now, James Ibori from the Urhobo region governed the state for two terms (1999-2007). Emmanuel Uduaghan from Warri South also spent two term (2007-2015). Okowa from Delta North is in his first term and seeking reelection to spend another. The godfather of Delta politics, James Ibori, is backing Okowa’s candidacy. APC’s Senator Ovie Omo-Agege, who got reelected into the Senate is strong in the Delta Central region, but his capacity is not strong enough to earn Ogboru victory. PDP’s Okowa will win the election.
Rivers State: Governor Nyesom Wike of the PDP is coasting to victory as the Supreme Court has banned the main opposition APC from participating in the election. APC members were planning to support Dunno Briggs of the Accord Party but the court also nullified his candidacy. Members of the APC led by ex-Governor Rotimi Amaechi later resolved to adopt the African Action Congress (AAC) candidate, Biokpomabo Awara. AAC is the party of popular presidential candidate, Omoyele Sowore. It is most certain that PDP’s Nyesom Wike will win the election.
Cross River: Governor Ben Ayade of the PDP will win the election. On Tuesday, 5 March, 2019, a High Court in Calabar ordered the electoral umpire to delist APC candidates from participating in the governorship and House of Assembly elections. This seals PDP’s victory in the state.
Akwa Ibom: Governor Udom Emmanuel of the PDP is facing Mr Nsima Nkere of the APC. Ex-Governor Akpadio’s ‘uncommon defection’ from the PDP would not earn APC a win in this poll. The party is fast gaining ground, but needs to do more to establish itself and be accepted by the masses across the state. It would take some years of relentless hard work for APC to make significant inroads in Akwa Ibom. Both parties will engage in vote buying during the election, but PDP’s Emmanuel will win.
North East
The region comprises of six states including Adamawa, Yobe, Borno, Bauchi, Taraba and Gombe State.
Adamawa State: Governor Jibrilla Bindo of the APC is facing the state’s ex-Speaker and Acting Governor, Ahmadu Fintiri of the PDP. Adamawa is the home state of the PDP presidential candidate, Atiku Abubakar. The APC has been struggling to cope with the crisis that sprung up after Bindo clinched the governorship ticket. His emergence is being challenged by bigwigs such as Babachir Lawal, Nuhu Ribadu, Murtala Nyako and Modibbo Ahmed, the brother of Aisha Buhari, wife of the President. The APC is engulfed in crises while the PDP remains united and gaining support. Governorship candidates of 10 little known political parties in the state recently endorsed PDP’s Fintiri. The Pundit predicts a narrow win for PDP in the state.
Yobe State: Alhaji Mai Mala Buni of the APC is running against Amb. Umar Damagun of the PDP. Yobe is an APC stronghold and a one party state. The mass defection of PDP members into the APC has further strengthened the party. APC will win the governorship poll by a wide margin.
Borno State: is another major stronghold of the APC in the North East. Babagana Zullum of the APC is facing Mohammed Imam of the PDP. APC will win the state by a wide margin.
Bauchi State: PDP’s Senator Bala Mohammed is seeking to wrestle power from Governor Mohammed Abubakar of the APC. The Governor have been struggling to hold the party together after bigwigs like the House of Representatives Speaker, Yakubu Dogara left the APC for PDP and got reelected in the just concluded national assembly election. Dogara’s defection won’t affect APC’s win. The high profile defections of ex-Governors Adamu Muazu and Isa Yuguda into APC has made the party more formidable. PDP’s Bala Mohammed is a strong candidate, the race is going to be tight, but APC would win the state.
Taraba State: Alhaji Sani Danladi of the APC is contesting against Governor Darius Ishaku of the PDP. Taraba is PDP’s major stronghold in the North East. The party have been governing the state from 1999 to date. Influential Buhari critic, General TY Danjuma is backing the PDP. Mama Taraba who gave PDP a tough contest in 2015 is no longer in the APC. What is more, Danladi has been largely distracted trying to defend his candidacy in court. A Federal High Court sitting in Jalingo, the state capital, disqualified his candidacy less than a week to the election. The Appeal Court later swiftly granted a stay of execution of the High Court order to enable Danladi participate in the race. This won’t repair the damage already caused. Danladi would be defeated by Ishaku of the PDP.
Gombe State: The election is a two horse race between Usman Nafada of the PDP and Inuwa Yahaya of the APC. In no small measure, APC has grown strong in the state, despite being the opposition. The incumbent and outgoing governor Ibrahim Dakwambo recently lost his senatorial election. The governorship poll would be a keenly contested one as never witnessed in the history of the state. PDP’s Nafada would fight hard to win, but he would be defeated by APC’s Yahaya.
South East
The five states in the region are Anambra, Abia, Enugu, Ebonyi and Imo state. Anambra governorship election is off-cycle. Excluding Imo State, the South East region has been quite impenetrable for the APC. PDP will win big in the region.
Abia State: The governorship election is a clash of the titans. Governor Okezie Ikpeazu of the PDP, Alex Otti of APGA and Uche Ogah of the APC are struggling to govern the state. Despite winning his senatorial election, ex-Governor Orji Kalu’s APC structure in the state is not strong enough to earn Uche Ogar a win in the governorship election. Alex Otti will score an appreciable number of votes, but lose. PDP’s Ikpeazu will be reelected.
Enugu State: The state has remained a PDP stronghold since 1999. The governorship position has always been won by the PDP. Not that alone, almost all the elective positions from 1999 to date have been won by the PDP. Senator Ayogu Eze of the APC will be defeated by Governor Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi of the PDP.
Ebonyi State: The election is a two horse race between Governor David Umahi of the PDP and Sonni Ogbuoji of the APC. Both men are strong candidates, but the internal wrangling in the APC has incredibly diminished Ogbuoji’s chance. Umahi of the PDP will win the election.
Imo State: is the only state APC controls in the South East, but Governor Rochas Okorocha is supporting a candidate different from that of his party. Intra party crisis had made the APC an enemy of itself in Imo State. Uche Nwosu, the candidate of Action Alliance has the backing of Okorocha, who just won a senatorial election under the platform of the APC. Moving on without Okorocha’s support, APC’s Hope Uzodinma is banking on federal might. Emeka Ihedioha of the PDP is relying on his vast connection and grassroots mobilization. The Imo 2019 governorship election is too close to call. The battle is mainly between PDP and AA. The Pundit predicts a low margin win for PDP’s Ihedioha.
North Central
The region, also called the Middle Belt, comprises of six states, including Kogi, Benue, Kwara, Niger, Nassarawa and Plateau State. The governorship election in Kogi State is off-cycle.
Benue State: The lingering supremacy battle between Governor Samuel Ortom and the godfather of Benue politics, ex-Governor George Akume will not end Ortom’s reign. The Governor who is seeking reelection under the PDP has vast grassroots support. He won the peoples heart when he challenged the federal government to end the wanton destruction of lives and properties allegedly being perpetrated by herdsmen in the state. APC’s Emmanuel Jime will, most certainly, be defeated by PDP’s Ortom.
Kwara State: is going, going, going, and would be gone on March 9. Bukola Saraki’s political dynasty would be swept away by hurricane ‘o to ge’ – the APC campaign mantra meaning ‘enough is enough’. Saraki’s anointed and PDP’s candidate, Rasak Atunwa will lose the election to APC’s AbdulRahman Abdulrazaq.
Niger State: The people of Niger State are again presented with the two main choice they had in 2015. Governor Abubakar Bello of the APC and Mr Umar Nasko of the PDP are familiar rivals. Nasko is making a return to knock out Bello, but he will be defeated again. Bello will be reelected.
Nassarawa State: the election is a three horse race between Labaran Maku of APGA, David Ombugadu of the PDP and Abdullahi Sule of the APC. Maku would make a good appearance at the polls to come third. The gold prize is between APC’s Sule and PDP’s Ombugadu. One major setback for Ombugadu is that he and Maku are from the same region. Efforts to convince Maku to step down for him has fallen on deaf ears. This is a blessing for APC’s Sule as the votes of the region would be shared and thus become insubstantial to earn PDP or APGA a win. One major plus for Sule is that he has a large pocket. He is a former staff and candidate of Aliko Dangote in the Nassarawa governorship race. Sule has also been able to establish himself in the grassroots and win many political bigwigs over to his camp. He also enjoys the immense support of outgoing Governor Tanko Al-Makura. Victory is most certain for Abdullahi Sule of the APC.
Plateau State: The poll is going to be a keenly contested race between Governor Simon Lalung of the APC and Senator Jeremiah Useni of the PDP. One crucial setback for the APC is that majority of the population are dissatisfied with President Buhari’s handling of the herdsmen invasion and killings in the state. They believe Buhari is unconcerned about their welfare and handling the insecurity with kid gloves. On the other side, intra party crisis will affect the PDP considerably. The win won’t come easy, but PDP’s Useni will come top.
South West
Governorship election would be conducted in only three (Oyo, Ogun, Lagos) out of the six states in the region. Ondo, Osun and Ekiti States governorship election are off-cycle.
Oyo State: The poll is a two horse race between Seyi Makinde of the PDP and Bayo Adelabu of the APC. The population are confused about who to vote, because of the several political alignment and realignment going on in the state. Ajimobi’s unexpected senatorial election defeat largely created the confusion. Aside his serial uncouth orations, Ajimobi’s problem began during the APC primary in the state. He hijacked the process and make sure his anointed candidates emerged, relegating the ex-Governor Lam Adeshina’s group. Ajimobi denied Senator Akanbi the party’s ticket despite his loyalty of not hobnobbing with the Sarak camp in the Senate. Akanbi recently defected back to the APC, after Ajimobi lost the senatorial election of the ticket the former was denied.
Ajimobi’s recent electoral defeat rattled the APC to embark on massive political campaign, spending, and horse-trading. The party recently convinced ex-Governor Alao Akala to drop his governorship ambition and endorse Adelabu. On the other hand, PDP’s Seyi Makinde won the endorsement of ex-Governor Rasheed Ladoja and Senator Olufemi Lanlehin, the governorship candidate of the African Democratic Congress. The poll is going to be keenly contested and the last minutes permutation could earn any of the main candidates a win. The Pundit safely predict the emergence of APC’s Adelabu.
Ogun State: The election is a contest between the high and mighty. Some of them are PDP’s Buruji Kashamu, APC’s Dapo Abiodun, APM’s Adekunle Akinlade and ADC’s Gboyega Isiaka. Governor Ibikunle Amosun who just won a senatorial election under the APC is strongly supporting his anointed successor: APM’s Akinlade. Amosun’s decision is not unconnected with the APC’s decision to handover the party’s ticket to Dapo Abiodun. Like in Imo State, the fallout of the primary has made APC an enemy of itself in Ogun State. A lot of last minute endorsement and permutation is going on in the state and it’s quite different to state where the pendulum would swing. Almost all the main candidates have something to fight for. Buruji is trying to prove his worth, having fall out with the national leadership of his party, the PDP. APC’s Abiodun is fronting the ex-Governor Segun Osoba and Senator Bola Tinubu’s revenge battle against Amosun. And Amosun is fighting not to drown politically. The election is going to be keenly contested and there would be no landslide victory. The Pundit predicts the emergence of APM’s Akinlade.
Lagos State: The poll is a two horse race between APC’s Babajide Sanwo-Olu and PDP’s Jimi Agbaje. ADP’sBabatundeGbadamosi is brilliant and resourceful, but he stands no chance in this election. Sanwo-olu would win because Jimi Agbaje is not strategic. He only shows up during election season and his campaigns have been quite unimpressive. People who’ll vote for him are those who are self-convinced that Tinubu’s has overstayed his welcome in Lagos politics. Agbaje’s ‘freedom’ message has not convinced Lagosians on why the state needs freedom. His words are not as punchy as expected despite APC’s several shortcomings. On the other hand, Sanwo-Olu has campaigned vigorously and reached out to virtually everyone that matters. He is on almost every radio and TV trying to convince people that he is independent minded and this would earn him votes. APC would lose Lagos, but not in 2019, maybe 2023. Sanwo-olu will win the upcoming election, but he can’t perform up to expectations. He will use the larger part of the state’s resources to be paying debts of gratitude to the APC highs and godfather.
The fear of losing the election and eagerness to be in Tinubu’s good book would make APC thugs intimidate voters and snatch ballot boxes in PDP strongholds. Their excesses would make the election rough, unfree, unfair and un-credible in the state.
*Omoshola Deji is a political and public affairs analyst. He wrote in via moshdeji@yahoo.com
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target=_blank>BREAKING: INEC Postpones Election In Adamawa Constituency
Kashim Gaidam, the Adamawa State Resident Electoral Commissioner (REC) of Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), has confirmed that election for Nassarawo/Binyeri Constituency will not hold tomorrow.
Gaidam told SaharaReporters on Friday that “election for Nassarawo/Binyeri Constituency was postponed following the death of one of the candidates vying for the membership position”.
Adamu Kwanate (APC), who died on Wednesday, was the candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC) from Nassarawo/Binyeri State Constituency.
Until his death, Kwanate was the serving member of the constituency. He died of natural causes at an undisclosed hospital in the state.
Gaidam however said elections would hold as scheduled in 24 state assembly constituencies, alongside the governorship election in the state.
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target=_blank>Nigerian Women Who Survived Boko Haram Still Face Abuse And Neglect, Says Amnesty International
Amnesty International has revealed that thousands of women who fled Boko Haram-controlled areas, almost a year after its investigation, revealed patterns of abuse by security forces.
In a statement released on Friday in commemoration of International Women’s Day, Amnesty International noted that many of the women still struggle to access food and other basic items in camps for Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) and are restricted from leaving.
The organisation also accused government officials, particularly the Borno State Emergency Management Agency (SEMA), of harassing the women if they speak up about their ordeal.
According to Amnesty International, a combination of movement restrictions and lack of assistance leaves them at increased risk of sexual exploitation by members of the security forces present in and around the camps.
Speaking on the plight of the women, Osai Ojigho, Director of Amnesty International Nigeria, said: “It is unacceptable that women who survived the brutal reign of Boko Haram are still being denied their rights. We have long documented that women are being made to exchange s** for food and livelihood opportunities by members of the security forces just to survive and feed their children.
“Last year, we issued a report which documented patterns of rape, starvation and arbitrary detention by the security forces, but the government and military shamefully dismissed the findings. A follow-up with the survivors shows they are on the verge of losing hope of ever getting justice, with previous promises of investigation leading nowhere. However, they will not give up.
“We are also calling on the Senate of National Assembly to fulfil its pledge to investigate concerns raised in our report, ‘They Betrayed Us’, so that survivors can get justice.”
Recent investigation by Amnesty International shows that some of the women confined to camps in the Borno State capital of Maiduguri still have no access to adequate food assistance, and are battling with hunger and malnutrition.
In many cases, their situation is made more precarious by the ongoing detention of male family members; thousands of men were arbitrarily detained or subjected to enforced disappearance as they fled intensified fighting from late 2015 onwards. Many of these women do not know whether their husbands are dead or alive.
“The arbitrary detention by security forces of what may still amount to thousands of men is unlawful under international human rights law.
“The failure by the authorities to provide a mechanism for family members of detainees to obtain information on the whereabouts and well being of their relatives, and the denial of information to those who approached the military for information, has caused mental suffering that constitutes ill-treatment under international human rights law.”
The organisation called on the Nigerian authorities to investigate credible allegations of rampant corruption by those affected at IDP camps, referencing the protests at the Shettima Ali Monguno and Teachers Village camps in Maiduguri, the Borno State capital, in February over “lack of food, ill-treatment and corruption”.
“The Boko Haram conflict forced thousands of women to live in squalid conditions in internally displaced persons’ camps. It is the responsibility of the Nigerian authorities to protect them and bring to justice all those suspected of exploiting them,” Ojigho added.
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target=_blank>BREAKING: Lekan Shonde Sentenced To Death For Killing Wife
Ronke and Lekan Shonde
Lekan Shonde, a depot worker in Apapa, Lagos State, has been sentenced to death for the murder of his wife Ronke.
Giving the ruling at the Lagos State High Court, Justice Josephine Oyefeso ruled against Shonde and sentenced him to death by hanging.
Shonde was accused of killing Ronke in their Lagos home.
He had consistently denied committing the crime, stating that he only slapped her.
He had accused her of sleeping with one Kayode, the General Manager of a publishing company, before her death.
He had also allegedly locked up the corpse of his spouse, with his children inside their home, before she was discovered hours later by their housekeeper.
He committed the offence in May 2016.
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EXCLUSIVE: Professor Stephen Ocheni, Minister Of State For Labour, Plagiarises Research Work From Australian University
There are fool-proof evidence that Stephen Ocheni, the Minister of State for Labour and Employment, plagiarised one of the papers he used to rise to the pinnacle of his job as a lecturer before he was given his current post, Saharareporters can report.
According to documents obtained by saharareporters, the paper submitted by Ocheni, a Professor of Accounting, was lifted, with thin disguise, from a paper submitted by another academic in RMIT University, Melbourne, Australia, by the name Duc Hong Phan, and with collaboration from Bruno Mascitelli and Meropy Barut.
Many facts obtainable by comparing the two papers lend credence to the claim that Ocheni’s paper is not original but a plagiarised work.
Ocheni Tinkered With The Title, Left The Thrust Intact
One of the traits of plagiarism is the theft of ideas and a look into the title of Ocheni’s paper shows that it is not even original. However, in a bid to conceal the unoriginality of his title, he made few changes here and there, changing noun to adjective. Ocheni titled his paper ‘Perceived Challenges Of Financial Reporting Standards (IFRS) Adoption In Nigeria’, while that of Phan, the original owner of the idea fleshed out into an academic paper, used the title ‘Perceptions Towards International Financial Reporting Standard (IFRS): The Case Of Vietnam’.
A close look at the two titles shows that the essential words in both titles are the same; and the Ocheni, the plagiariser, just changed the noun “perceptions” to “perceived”.
The other essential change in title is that of the case study, which Ocheni changed from ‘Vietnam’ to ‘Nigeria’. This he supposedly did to create the impression of originality. But a close reading shows that the thrusts of the papers are the same. There are even instances when Ocheni could not resist using Phan’s thought word for word, verbatim.
Masked But Still Bare Introduction
Another trait of plagiarism is theft of “language and expression”, which is intrinsic to the part of Ocheni. In the introduction/Abstract of his paper, there are sentences and words used wholly by Ocheni the same way Phan put them. Ocheni only changed figures. Intimating potential readers of his paper with the purpose and intention of his paper, which is what an abstract does anyway; a portion of Phan’s introduction read: “This study examines the perceptions, concerns fears and expectations of the Vietnamese accounting community and, in turn, assists the Vietnamese accounting standard setters in making favourable accounting decisions affecting accounting practices. An aggregate of 3,000 questionnaires was sent to 3,000 Certified Public Accountants, Chief Financial Officers/Chief Accountants and accounting academics in Vietnam internally in 2012. The study reveals that the Vietnamese accounting professionals are optimistic about potential benefits from IFRS adoption, indicate expected costs and challenges in implementing IFRS and suggest strong support for a gradual switch from VAS to IFRS, though the level of support varies amongst the three different groups of accountants.”
Juxtapose that sentence culled from Phan with this from Ocheni’s work: “This research paper, therefore, investigated the perceptions of Nigerian accounting professionals, regarding the perceived challenges of IFRS adoption in Nigeria. The population consists of three different sub-groups of accountants (i.e., auditors, accountants, and academics. Stratified random sampling method was adopted, and primary data used to elicit responses with a structured questionnaire administered. The survey instrument was developed after review from recent literature. The questionnaire was pre-tested, 30 targeting audiences and a questionnaire survey were conducted. The mailing questionnaire was designed as a booklet.”
To buttress the plagiarism claim look out for this, though thinly masked, in Ocheni’s sentence: “This study examines the PERCEPTIONS, concerns, fears and expectations of the Vietnamese accounting community… Certified public accountants, chief financial officers/chief accountants and accounting.”
Are these not the three sub-groups Ocheni’s paper used for his examination? Not even the fact that he excised — for the purpose of concealment — “concerns, fears and expectations” makes the sentence original.
This is just one of the many sentences and paragraphs Ocheni lifted from Phan’s paper. Often, he tried to cover up the plagiarism with ridiculous disguise or synonyms, yet the sentences left trail of hard evidence or giveaway.
How Close Are The Two Papers?
There were instances when Ocheni presented expressions as though he was the owner of the original idea, but when scratched beyond the surface, the ideas, language and expressions too close to those presented in Phan’s paper are easily noticeable. And this trend runs through the whole length of Ocheni’s paper despite his efforts to conceal this act of intellectual dishonesty. While the similarity of sources or references can be permitted to some extent, there are still instances when one is hard pressed to ask the question whether there are no other sources from which Ocheni could have quoted to drive the chief points in his subject matter other than those ones used by Phan in his paper which actually predated Ocheni’s
Looking at the Literature Review of the both papers one will see that there is absolutely no iota of difference between their wordings.
Phan: “Over the last two decades a considerable amount of literature has been published on the topic of IFRS harmonisation, convergence and the feasibility of a single set of globally accepted accounting standards. For the purpose of this paper, we highlight the more recent literature that addresses both desirable and non-desirable characteristics of IFRS convergence as well as the potential challenges of a smooth IFRS convergence process.”
And this is the Literature review for Ocheni: “Over the last two decades a considerable amount of literature has been published on the topic of IFRS harmonization, convergence and a feasibility of a single set of globally accepted accounting standards. For the purpose of this paper, we draw our literature review on more recent literature that addresses both desirable and non-desirable characteristics of IFRS convergence as well as the potential perceived challenges of a smooth IFRS convergence process in the accounting process in Nigeria.” Ocheni
Similarity In Conclusion
Even while trying to round off the paper, Ochonu lifted a whole lengthy paragraph from Phan’s work.
This is the concluding paragraph from Phan’s paper: “The research findings are subject to the limitations of any survey study. First, there is a possibility that some respondents might have a bias toward providing average or noncommittal answers to the questions in the questionnaire. Second, the non-response bias may be present in the results although a non-response bias test was conducted. Finally, the results should be interpreted with care because of the relatively small sample size. Future research should examine the perceptions from other groups of report users (e.g., financial analysts, stock-brokers, investors, government officials).”
And why concluding, Ocheni wrote this: “Conclusively,(sic) the research findings are subject to the limitations of any survey study. First, there is a possibility that some respondents might have a bias toward providing average or non-committal answers to the questions in the questionnaire. Second, the non-response bias may be present in the results though non-response bias test was conducted. Finally, the results should be interpreted with care because of the relative small sample size. The researcher recommends that FRCN should ensure that increased volatility of earnings is addressed. The government should not mind the cost of implementing IFRS in Nigeria and do well to embraces it financially. Experts should be employed to educate to help in the interpretation of the standards in order to elicit every ambiguity in the practice.”
Looking critically at these two “quoted” sentences, apart from a few fillers added by Ochonu, one will see through the guile he employed to cover his tracks.
Similarity Of Findings
Not even the findings used by Phan was spared by Ocheni in his word-for-word and ‘figure for figure’ lifting. Ocheni copied the whole table of findings used by Phan and made slight changes to the figures obtained by Phan.
Phan’s findings shown in a table, with the heading ‘Perception on the disadvantages of IFRS in Vietnam’.
Phan’s Table
Survey items
Respondents agreeing
Frequency
Per cent
q208 Too complicated for SME
394
71.0%
q201 Complicated
388
69.9%
q203 Time consuming
327
58.9%
q205 Hard to understand
297
53.5%
q210 Impossible global standards
292
52.6%
q207 Not yet globally accepted
253
45.6%
q202 Subjective
135
24.3%
q206 Political intervention
119
21.4%
q212 Vietnam has no voice
113
20.4%
q204 Lack details
84
15.1%
q209 Fraud risk
82
14.8%
q213 Compromise national pride
72
13.0%
q211 Vietnam doesn’t need
22
4.0%
Ocheni’s Table
Survey items
Respondents agreeing
Frequency
Percent
q208 Too complicated for SME
394
71
q110 Complicated
388
70
q203 Time consuming
327
59
q205 Hard to understand
297
54
q2010 Impossible global standards
292
53
q207 Not yet globally accepted
253
46
qQ202 Subjective
135
24
q206 Political intervention
119
21
q2012 Vietnam has no voice
113
20
q204 Lack details
84
15
q209 Fraud risk?
82
15
q2013 Compromise national pride?
71
13
q2011 Vietnam does not need?
22
4
Comparing The Tables
Ocheni’s findings are in a table with the heading, ‘Stakeholders Of financial reporting perception on the problems of IFRS in Nigeria’.
Three things should be compared in the two tables. First is the heading, second is the survey items and the third are the deductions or inferences made from the tables.
In his heading, Ocheni changed the word ‘disadvantages’ used by Phan to ‘problems’. He also used synonyms to hide the act of plagiarism; however, it is not hidden to a close reader.
Going further in his act, Ocheni used all the survey items that were used by Phan in his table. Not that alone, Ocheni was so consumed by his drive to commit intellectual theft that he forgot to change ‘Vietnam’ in his survey items to ‘Nigeria’, where the survey was carried out. Check q2012 ‘Vietnam has no voice and q2011 ‘Vietnam does not need’. Yet this was supposed to be a Nigerian research.
Even while drawing inference from the table, Ocheni used the exact words and figures — percentage to be precise — used by Phan in his inference as well. Below is the inference drawn by Phan:
“Despite the diversity of views regarding the disadvantages of IFRS, the respondents have a general consensus about the challenges that they likely to face if IFRS conversion occurs as seen in Table 7. The majority of the concerns (over 80 per cent) focused on the training/education fields and guidance material (see the top 5 items in Table 7). Concerns over the transition procedures and the availability of timely translation of IFRS into Vietnamese language were also significant at over 70 per cent (see the last 5 items of Table 7)”
And this is Ocheni’s inference from his own table: “Despite the diversity of views regarding the problems of IFRS, the respondents have consensus about the challenges that they likely to face if IFRS conversion occurs as seen in Table 5. The majority of concerns (over 80%) are focused on the training/education fields and guidance material (see the top 5 items in Table 5).”
The only slight difference in the inferences is that of the number of the table. While Phan named his table ‘7’, Ocheni named his ‘5’. However, this doesn’t absolve the paper of plagiarism, especially when other factors such as survey samples, table headings and even inferences are the same.
Ocheni’s Career In Brief
Ocheni, currently Nigeria’s Minister of State for Labour, hails from Kogi State. He is a Professor of Public Sector Accounting, and until his ministerial nomination in April 2017 was the re-elected Dean of the Faculty of Management Sciences, Kogi State University, Anyigba.
He hails from a village called Uwowo, in Igalamela/Odolu Local Government Area of Kogi State. He obtained his West African School Certificate from Idah Secondary Commercial College, Idah, in 1979, and bagged a Higher National Diploma from the Federal Polytechnic, Idah, in 1983. He obtained an MBA (Finance) from Enugu State University of Science and Technology in 1990 and bagged a Ph.D. in Financial Management from the prestigious University of Nigeria, Nsukka, in 2004.
His biography describes him as “a man with a voracious appetite for knowledge, thoroughness and professionalism”, citing these as the reason he “took his quest beyond the shore of Nigeria as he embarked on series of professional training in the United States and the United Kingdom. These endeavours fetched him a Certificate in ‘Strategies for Home ownership’, from Howard University Washington DC, USA, Certificate in Internal Auditing with Computer Application from Worthing, West Sussex U.K, and Certificate in Project Financing and Sustainability, USA”.
He has been a Fellow, Association of National Accountants of Nigeria, FCNA; Fellow, Chartered Institute of Taxation of Nigeria, FCTI; Fellow, Chartered Institute of Local Government and Public Administration, FCPA; and Fellow, Institute of Chartered Economists of Nigeria, FCE.
He has at various times served as Financial Controller, World Bank Assisted Kogi State Essential Drugs Programme; Director (Office of the Accountant General, Kogi State/State Programme Accountant, UNDP) and Permanent Secretary in Kogi State, all between 1992 and 2003. At the federal level, he was Deputy Director, Ministry of Housing and Urban Development; Director, Office of the Accountant General of the Federation; and Director, Finance and Accounts, Ministry of foreign Affairs all between 2003 and 2013. He was also a lecturer in Accounting, Taxation, Cost Accounting and Management Accounting at the Federal Polytechnic, Idah, Kogi State, between 1985 and 1993.
Ocheni’s biography further describes him as “a thorough professional and technocrat with unblemished records” and as “a teacher and researcher of no mean repute”. It claims that “his zeal for and commitment to research is demonstrated in the number of books written and scholarly articles published in reputable journals”. These include six books in Accounting, Finance and Management issues published by the Spectrum Books Limited, Ibadan, 42 articles published in reputable international journals with many of them available online and six others published in local journals”.
Fruitless Effort To reach Ocheni
SaharaReporters made a series of efforts, that ultimately proved unsuccessful, to reach Ocheni. The official telephone number on the website of the Ministry of Labour and Employment was unreachable. The ‘Contact Us’ section of the website was also filled, but nothing ame out of it. SaharaReporters obtained the telephone number of the Minister of Labour, Dr. Chris Ngige, to try to reach his deputy, but the calls went unaswered. A text message left on the line was also not replied.
THE ORIGINAL AND PLAGIARISED WORKS
Phan et al 2013.pdf
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Phan et al 2014 GRAF.pdf
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Ocheni 2015.pdf
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